Huda

The Hudian Republic, commonly referred to as Huda (Bengali: হুদা), is a located in the continent of Auchoi. It is the largest country in South Auchoi, as well as the most developed. The capital and largest city of the Hudian Republic is Husseinabad, although it is closely matched by the port cities of Fatemabagh and Sufiyapara. The nation is home to a variety of ethnic groups, of which the most prominent are the Bengali people. Additionally, there is a wide variety of religion practiced in the nation. Islam is the largest religion, however, with approximately 83% of the population following it.

The nation is also home to the Bay of Husseinabad, as well as several islands - among which the largest is Faarah Island. The Hudian mainland is home to several tropical forests and rivers. Its northern borders are largely mountainous and full of vegetation, while the south has begun to face issues regarding environmental protection as urban areas have begun to encroach upon natural areas, causing deforestation and loss of habitat. The Hudian Republic is also home to the Mahaban, the world's largest mangrove forest. It possesses diverse flora and fauna, with animals such as the Hudian Tiger found exclusively in the country.

The first signs of established civilizations and political entities in the Hudian Republic took place around the fifth century BCE, when its first city states came to be. These city states grew to become ancient powerful kingdoms, such as the Dhir Kingdom as well as the Khosnad Kingdom. Islam spread into the region around the seventh century AD, through traders from Alfashir. An insurrection in the ancient city of Madhuridai sparked the establishment of the Hudian Sultanate. The Sultanate reigned for several years in relative peace and prosperity, although with the end of the Huda dynasty in XXXX, it was marked by an era of dramatic expansion under Bahadur Khan, who established the Bahariyan Empire. The Bahariyan Empire would continue to thrive for decades, although it did face a few crises such as the Sufiyapara Treatise as well as the Zemindar Uprising of XXXX. There would be a renewed period of expansion during the rule of Mubarak Khan, who would take over what is now modern day Ziadistan and Riala. Despite his success, the Empire would face swift decline after its failed Conquest of Yetpa in 1392. It faced severe repercussions which caused it to go into economic and military decline the following several years. The arrival of Acronian privateers in 1603 led to the Saffron War. Its defeat at the hands of the Acronians in the Second Battle of the Saptorshi in 1604 had effectively ended its existence.

Acronian rule had lasted for several centuries, until the end of the Great War in 1916. The colony's extensive involvement in the conflict had impressed King Alexander III, who decided to grant the Hudian people independence under exceptional circumstances, ultimately resulting in the establishment of the First Hudian Republic the next year. The Republic had managed to make exceptional strides in political stability and economic development for a country that had been devastated in the Great War. Ultimately, the First Hudian Republic had been replaced by the Hudian Socialist Republic in 1961, after a Stasnovan-backed coup d'état. The communist regime, led by Khaled Rahman had been largely unpopular and amid growing public discontent, was overthrown by a popular revolution in 1968. The nation has since reverted back to a. Despite the instability faced in the 60s, several key economic and political reforms since have allowed the country to develop at a remarkable pace.

Etymology
The Hudian Republic has had various names throughout its existence as a political entity, but the identity of the region as Huda was first noted during the 701 Madhuridai Insurrection. The insurrection was led by Khawja Huda, a prominent Muslim trader in the city. His successful revolt had ultimately culminated in the establishment of the Hudian Sultanate, which was named after him.

Following the end of the Hudian Sultanate, the Bahariyan Empire resisted efforts to retain the name of its predecessor, going so far as to breaking up its heartland into several provinces - demarcations that are still used today. Nonetheless, their efforts were sidelined by a majority of the populace, who continued to use the name in informal usage. The East Acronian Administration, however, returned the name to official usage when granting emancipation to various states in the XXX Meeting of XXX.

Pre-history and antiquity
The first humans to properly inhabit Huda had settled in the land approximately 25,000 years ago, evidenced by pottery and tools found in the Dobilapur Cave System, which is the oldest discovered prehistoric settlement. The region was settled mostly by as well as  during the time, followed by a wave of  several centuries later. These groups mostly settled in various cave systems in the north, and it would not be until some 10,000 years later that the first man-made settlements came to be. These man-made settlements were mainly constructed using rocks, branches and animal bones.

Such man-made settlements have been more common in the south of Huda, likely due to the lack of mountainous terrain and thus cave systems, causing for the early Hudians to adapt and create settlements of their own. Approximately 11,000 years ago, rock paintings in settlement indicate the domestication of both the and. Architectural evidence also indicates the cultivation of wheat and tropical fruit was widespread at the time. Several riverine settlements had also taken to fishing around the same time. Furthermore, there is evidence of early metalworking from 5500 BCE, through the smelting of copper ores.

The Hudian culture and civilisation consolidated in the thousands of years that followed, with settlements growing exponentially in size. Several settlements grew and endured for centuries to come, the best example being the city of Madhuridai, which grew to hold over 10,000 individuals around 6,500 years ago. The earliest record of Hudian writing and thus the first historical records of the region come from the city, through limestone tablets dating back to 2500 BCE. By the time writing was well-established in the region, settlements managed to communicate with each other, allowing for trade and diplomacy to occur between settlements. By 1000 BCE, the surrounding region had become highly populated with several settlements stretching what is now modern day Huda. Several of these settlements benefited greatly from the, and the advancement of society through the use of agriculture, coinage and weaponry allowed for these settlements to grow into sizeable political entities.

The first identifiable political entity would be the Council of Madhuridai, a short-lived that led the very ancient city, which had continued to grow steadily through the years. Several entities in other settlements followed it, establishing their own councils. However, the most sizeable political change would occur around 400 BCE, with the formation of the Dhir Kingdom. The Dhir Kingdom grew massively powerful, absorbing neighbouring city-states around it to form a sizeable regional power. Various other kingdoms, chieftains and other sizeable political entities rose up at the time, although several were simply absorbed by larger powers, resulting in the first regional conflicts. By the end of the common era, the region was held by three kingdoms, namely the Khosnad Kingdom, Dhir Kingdom and the Kharag Kingdom.

Religion had also been introduced in the region as the same time as these kingdoms rose to power. By the end of the common era, and  were chiefly practised by the populace. Religion was a popular cause of infighting between the kingdoms, resulting in conflicts such as the Dhir-Khosnad Holy War as well as the Kharag war. Despite the frequency of these conflicts, they were usually inconclusive and thus allowed for there to exist a state of peaceful, albeit uneasy coexistence between the kingdoms.

Early Middle Ages
The seventh century was an uneasy period for the three kingdoms in the region. There was a discontent among the peasantry in the kingdoms, primarily sparked by social inequality as well as a rise in hostilities between the kingdoms. The first Sufi traders from Alfashir arrived around this time, settling in mainly coastal cities. Their wealth and power grew exponentially in the years that followed, and this attracted several followers. Islam spread rapidly through the region, to the point where it had become the majority religion.

The Hindu and Buddhist nobility across the three kingdoms were threatened by the rise of Islam. Several nobles forced those that worked in their households to convert or face death, while kings actively attempted to curb the powers of the Muslim traders, who had become important burghers in their respective cities. By the end of the century, the rift between religions had led to severe violence between both sides. The most notable would be the Night of Martyrs, when a congregation of Muslims in the Dhir city of Mahesali was attacked by the town guard. This attack led to the razing of the newly formed Muslim quarter in the city, in order to prevent the news of the attack from spreading.

However, Muslims in the nearby capital of Madhuridai were informed by the next day. Rioting began almost immediately, and several Muslim traders started calling for an uprising. According to the True History of the Hudian Sultanate, Muslims of the city had fled into the countryside the evening after the rioting. The Muslims in Madhuridai formed an overwhelming majority at the time, accounting for 60% of its inhabitants. As a result, most eyewitness reports described the city as deserted that night. The Dhir King Pranav IX imposed martial law immediately, ordering for the arrest of all Muslims within the Kingdom. In response to this, Khawja Huda, one of the traders who had fled Madhuridai, organized the Muslims and declared a on the Dhir Kingdom. This was the beginning of the 701 Madhuridai Insurrection. The Muslims took up arms and within weeks had amassed outside of Madhuridai, which had been well fortified by the city guard by then. The month long Siege of Madhuridai (701) had begun.

After the fall of Madhuridai to Muslim forces, Pranav IX fled the capital city and consolidated his forces in the remaining cities of the Kingdom. Word spread of the newly emerged insurrection to other Muslims in the region. Inspired by the success of the Muslim insurrectionists, several minor rebellions had begun in the Kharag and Khosnad kingdoms, although they would fail to make any major initiatives. The insurrection in the Dhir Kingdom continued for over a year, until the final Siege of Mahesali. Pranav IX was captured in the aftermath of the siege. According to ibn Talal, a commander of the Muslim army, Pranav was bound to a donkey and forced to walk barefoot back to Madhuridai.

Upon reaching Madhuridai, the imprisoned King was offered an audience with Khawja. The leader of the rebellion had initially offered clemency to the King, offering to simply exile him. However, Pranav IX refused this judgement, stating that he "cannot live knowing that [he] had lost the birthright of [his] ancestors.". The next day, on the 16th of November 702, Pranav IX was beheaded. With the death of the last Dhir king, Khawja Huda proclaimed the first ever Hudian Sultanate, crowning himself Sultan. The city of Madhuridai was renamed as Husseinabad, and other cities soon followed the brought on by the Sultanate.

The establishment of the Sultanate triggered a mass exodus of Muslims from both the Khosnad and Kharag Kingdoms. Noting the power of this newly formed Sultanate, regional kingdoms sent emissaries to the Sultan in hopes of achieving a lasting peace. The First Treaty of Husseinabad guaranteed an indefinite truce between the Kharag and Khosnad Kingdoms, as well as the distant Rialan Raj, which guaranteed security in the region for several years. During this time, the size of the Sultanate continued to grow, and Husseinabad became a hub for trade between powers in Eastern Auchoi and Alfashir.

Sultan Khawja reneged on the treaty on its thirtieth anniversary, the 27th of November 732. He declared a holy war on the Kharag Kingdom, after hearing word that a sizeable Hudian caravan had been assaulted by soldiers from the kingdom. The validity of such news has long been disputed, as at the time the kingdom had fall into disrepair and its roads were frequented by bandits. Nonetheless, this began the War of the Crescent. The Khosnad Kingdom, fearing the consequences of yet another Muslim conquest, immediately sided with the Kharag Kingdom and declared war on the Hudian Sultanate. The Rialan Raj, another signatory of the treaty, chose not to intervene in the conflict so as to prevent any acts of retribution by Muslims in its own borders.

The War of the Crescent was devastating to both sides. Initially, the joint Khosnad-Kharag forces had managed to take the Hudians by surprise, winning several key battles such as the Battle of Kalyakot Pass as well as the Defense of Samadpur, forcing a stalemate upon the Hudian forces who were now attempting offensives on two fronts. The war had entered a passive phase during winter that year, and a temporary truce was called during Ramadan, to allow Muslim soldiers to observe the holy month. However, fighting escalated from spring the next year. Hudian forces launched an all new offensive towards the eastern front, taking over large swathes of Kharagi land. It had become evident that immediate action had to be taken. In response, a gargantuan army of both the Kharagi and Khosnad Kingdoms, led by their monarchs, marched towards Husseinabad, in order to seize the capital in a lightning offensive.

The Kharagi-Khosnad army was confronted by a smaller Hudian army at the Saptorshi River. Led by Rasheed ibn Khattab, the army had been ordered only a few days prior to take defensive positions at the river to face the massive opposing army and delay their offensive, while a larger force led by the Sultan would reinforce them in time. The Kharagi-Khosnad force was at a disadvantage - it was season, and as a result their movement was hampered by floods and muddy terrain. Nonetheless, they had managed to overwhelm Rasheed's army in the First Battle of the Saptorshi, forcing them to retreat away from the river.

The next day, however, the Sultan's army had arrived. Well-fed and rested, the arrival of the Sultan raised the morale of the remnants of Rasheed's army, and a fresh assault was called. The new Muslim force, now larger than the Khosnad-Kharagi army, fought "with unprecedented vigour and fervour" according to ibn Talal. The battle lasted for the entire day, and by evening, the Kharagi-Khosnad forces surrendered. The Khosnad King Vijya III was killed in the midst of battle, while the Kharag King Ravi VI was captured. The Kharag Kingdom had completely surrendered to the Sultanate, and control of the Kingdom was handed over to the Sultan. As for the Khosnad Kingdom, the new King Vijya IV attempted to hold out against the Sultanate, but his lack of forces and support rendered this attempt futile. The Kingdom fell next year, and Vijya IV had disappeared.

The Sultan passed away days after the battle at the river. According to the True History of the Hudian Sultanate, he had been ill since the conclusion of the battle, and by the time had returned to Husseinabad, was already dying. With the passing of the Sultan, his son would succeed him as Khawja II. The years that followed would consist of rebuilding what was a war-torn region. Several laws were passed and established around this time, mainly dealing with the remnants of the Buddhist and Hindu faiths. Battered by the effects of the devastating war, the Sultan was wary against fighting again with the Rialan Raj. Consequently, the Sultanate maintained a tenuous peace with the Raj. Most of the persecuted remnants fled westwards to the Raj. Failing that, several went eastwards, towards what is now modern day Yetpa, where several nomadic tribes had started to settle, and began growing in size.

Late Middle Ages
After the conclusion of the War of the Crescent, and the subsequent rebuilding of the region, the Sultanate experienced time of relative peace and stability. The Huda dynasty managed to retain power for several centuries, and this stability of government permitted the subjects of the Sultanate to enjoy an era of scientific advancement, trade as well as development. The University of Husseinabad would be established during the reign of Khawja XI around 1049 AD, making it one of the oldest universities in the world. The cultivation of expensive spices such as saffron would contribute to the economic growth of the Sultanate, and traders from various distant parts of the world would often pay high prices for the spice.

However, a succession crisis would erupt after the death of Khawja XIV, which occurred on the 7th of June, XXXX. The late Sultan had died from a sudden bout of illness, at the age of 18, and as a result had not appointed a heir to the throne. In order to preserve the rulership of the dynasty, the Grand Vizier Shahjahan appointed Khawja's sister, Zaynab, as the first Sultana of the Hudian Sultanate. She was crowned Sultana Nazma I, after the wife of the first Sultan. Nazma I's reign was met with fierce opposition from clerics and landowner nobles alike, who refused to see a woman on the throne. Nazma managed to pacify opposition to her rule and held onto her throne for two years. She strengthened her rule by marrying a powerful noble and commander of the Sultanate's army Bahadur Khan. Ultimately, she passed away after giving birth to a stillborn daughter, who is attributed to be the last member of the primary line of the Huda dynasty.

As a influential man and the widow of the late Sultana, Bahadur Khan seized power and proclaimed himself the new Sultan, beginning his own dynasty. He married the daughter of an influential landlord. His heir and first child, Arafat Khan was born in XXXX, only a year after his marriage. The family would continue to grow during Bahadhur Khan's rule, and the Sultan intertwined his own dynasty with that of several landlords and clerics, allowing for the dynasty to consolidate its rule in what was a politically tense climate.

Bahadur Khan led several expeditions during his rule. The first, and most prominent, was the Faarah Expedition. Departing from the fabled port city of Bahariya, he and his men took over and completely decimated the native population of what is now known as Faarah Island. Returning from the expedition, Bahadur Khan proclaimed a new era of strength, and established the Bahariyan Empire, moving his capital to the port city from where his expeditions began. He named this first conquest after his daughter, Faarah Khan.

Following the death of Bahadur in XXXX, his son Arafat Khan took to power. Compared to his father, Arafat was wildly unpopular for the populace. According to the famous Imam Ja'afar Sadiq, "[He] was a drunkard and an idolizer, unfit to be our Emperor.". His lack of popularity had come at a time when Muslim clerics had gained a striking amount of following. In order to appease the powerful clerics and avoid abdication, Arafat signed the Sufiyapara Treatise. In line with the treatise, he made several concessions, ranging from minor ones (the opening of the court to be sounded with to major ones (the Islamic Inquisition (XXXX]). Arafat spent the rest of his life trying to resist the political intrigues of court, many of which were intended to topple him. Not only had he survived, but he had also emerged victorious - near the end of his reign, the clerics had fallen out of favour with the people, allowing him to disband the treatise.

He was succeeded by his third son, his handpicked successor Jamal Khan. Compared to his father and grandfather, unfortunately, Jamal did not enjoy a particularly long reign. Although the late victories that had happpened prior to his father's demise certainly eased the political situation, his short reign was affected by the Aboron plague of XXXX. Not only would the Aboron plague persist, almost gutting the region, but it would also result in the death of Jamal. He would be succeeded by Aftab Khan, his older brother. The following Emperors would focus on rebuilding and retaining the Empire, and it would take several years until the Empire would return to anything close to its former self. This era of rebuilding was full of discontent, ultimately resulting in the First Zemindar Uprising. It would be during the reign of Emperor |Mubarak the Magnificent that the Empire, having regained its power, would embark on another era of expansion. The Empire expanded wastwards, taking over the Rialan Raj in the Jihad for Riala, as well as swathes of land in XXXX.

The success of the jihad had emboldened Mubarak and his men, and he made plans to move his army east, to take over the lands occupied by several Yetpan tribes. The Yetpan tribes did not take very well to this, banding together to fight off the Bahariyan army. The conquest was a disaster, simply put. Mubarak's men, who had spent several years campaigning in the mountainous, dryer regions to the west, had not acclimatized to the dense jungles around Yetpa. Furthermore, no one had expected the Yetpan tribes to band together, and this had caused a high level of demoralization within Bahariyan ranks. Despite winning some major battles, particularly the Battle of Batta as well as the Siege of Khydraw Fort, the Bahariyan army had been bogged down in the Yetpan lands, and they had fallen prey to many attacks by minor tribes intended to cut their lines off. It would be in the Battle of the Confederates that the army would face significant losses, causing them to retreat all the way back. Afzal Khan, a nephew of the Emperor and potential heir, was captured in battle. The Empire paid a hefty sum to ransom him.

The battle had caused a very public embarrassment for Mubarak, who had been touted as unbeatable in the past. It was a strong victory for the tribes, having given them a chance to unite. The events ensuing the Battle of the Confederates would soon lead to the creation of the Yetpan Kingdom, which would outlive its Bahariyan adversary. Mubarak managed to retain control of his Empire, but the costs of the two wars had started to hit the Empire's economy, as well as the ransom it had to pay for Afzal. The Empire's strength began to wane, and it had become very vulnerable to foreign threats.

Acronian Conquest
Mubarak's health had started to decline in the years following his failure in Yetpa, to the point where he was bedridden by 1397. His son Faruk Khan would maintain de facto power as regent. Faruk's position as regent was wildly opposed by members of the Khan Dynasty, with his cousin Afzal and sister Aqsa vying for the post. Distracted by the power struggles in court, Faruk failed to administer the Empire effectively, angering several nobles and initiating the Second Zemindar Uprising. Pressured by both his family and the zemindars, Faruk resigned from his post in 1600, passing it on to his sister Aqsa. As regent, Aqsa enjoyed the support of both her family and nobility, which permitted her to remain very powerful. Mubarak passed away days later, on June XXxx. He was succeeded by his infant grandson, Ahmed Khan. Aqsa remained the regent for her son's short reign.

Acronian emissaries had entered Husseinabad on the 4th of January, 1603, with the intention of seeking a more concrete presence of trading in the region. Several requests were made, such as a lease of land for the newly established Acronian Far East Company. The Bahariyan Empire had consistently traded with foreign powers in the past, and as such was no stranger to them. However, this offer was unprecedented - powers came to trade, but they rarely ever asked for a more solid presence. Aqsa had initially considered the offer, and the Empire had entered into talks with the emissaries for a week. Several advisors and nobles present at the court significantly opposed them, nonetheless, and eventually she chose to disregard the talks, rejecting every proposal made by the Acronians. This was likely anticipated by the Acronians, as a privateer force numbering X,XXX landed in Faarah Island in the matter of weeks. This culminated in the Fall of Faarah. Due to the proximity of the island, news had taken time to reach the capital, giving the emissaries enough time to issue a declaration of war to the Empire before leaving. The Shapla War had begun in earnest.

The privateer force had set up camp around the Uqab Fort, which would remain its stronghold till the end of the war. The Bahariyans had severely undermined their enemy, and it was clear after the First Battle of Faarah Coast and the Second Battle of Faarah Coast that its reinforcements to the island were not enough against well-equipped Acronian privateers. It was clear to Aqsa that the Empire would have to wait for the Acronians to reach the mainland, and so a lot of time was spent establishing coastal defenses. To some extent, these were successful, as evidenced in the Battle of Husseinabad Bay. However, the privateers managed to break through after a few days, through the Siege of Sufiyapara. Both sides had halted their advances after the siege, albeit temporarily. The Acronian privateers, led by Cyrus Beckett, used this lull in the fighting to pay several tributes to several landowners as a means to persuade them to switch their alleigance to the Acronian Far East Company.

There were several reasons for this, and Beckett detailed these in his Sufiyapara Missive. First of all, supplies were difficult to come by, and the privateers could not rely on reinforcements from home due to the distance and time it took. The local zemindars, however, could be an excellent source of supplies. Additionally, the Bahariyan Army was gargantuan in comparison to the privateers, despite being poorly equipped and demoralized. The defections of zemindars would not only bolster the privateers but also weaken the army's numbers. Several zemindars sided with the privateers, particularly several eastern ones, who had borne the most significant losses during the failed Yetpan conquest. The privateers, with the aid of zemindars and reinforcements, succeeded with a lightning offensive in April, winning battles in the east, namely the Battle of Pathchali and the several skirmishes around the Konatoli Forest. In response to this, the Empire besieged Sufiyapara. The siege was the largest and most devastating battle of the war, with the regent herself overseeing the Bahariyan side. After two months of consistent fighting, the privateers managed to lift the siege and forced the Bahariyan forces into a retreat. The privateer army chased them to the Saptorshi River, beginning what would be the penultimate battle of the war - Second Battle of the Saptorshi. The battle would result in the deaths of most members of the Khan dynasty, all of whom who had been present in both the previous siege and the battle. Following the end of the battle, Acronian privateers led by a victorious Cyrus Beckett marched to Husseinabad. The Declaration of Husseinabad resulted in the establishment of the Far East Acronian Administration.

Factions in the west of the Empire - namey Rialan nobility - began to resist against Acronian rule, in the hopes of re-establishing the Rialan Raj. The movement had been severely weakened from the very beginning, with a faction straying away from the war and declaring their own war. Neither conflict succeeded, and both were subsequently stamped out by the Acronian privateers. In the months to come, reinforcements from Acronia would consolidate the Administration's control over the region. The Acronian Invasion of Yetpa would occur a few years later, following which the entirety of South Auchoi would remain under the firm control of the Acronian Far East Administration.

Acronian Rule
South Auchoi as a whole was a very economically active region, and had been the world hub for spices for eras. As a result, Acronian business interests focused mainly on the spice trade, although several other regional industries were also a focus of Acronian interests. From an administrative perspective, the zemindari system in the nation was overhauled. Landowners were prohibited from holding armies as they had done during the rule of the Empire. Zemindars were reduced to land proprietors who paid rent. In order to placate them, the Administration did provide them with both titles and foreign gifts, although the more troubling zemindars (such as the remnants of the Khan family) were often subject to threats from the authorities. The Far East Acronian Army was established around this time, with the dismissal of several privateers and the inclusion of the colonial subjects.

Around 1653, half a century after the arrival of the Acronians, King XXX XXX had declared a "new era for the Far East". Missionaries were sent to the Acronian Far East Administration, with the mandate of converting subjects as well as teaching them Acronian culture and language. This was fiercely opposed by some components of the Administration, particularly XXX on the grounds that this was an unnecessary waste of money on what he saw as an economic priority. Some Acronian humanist thinkers had also made their own reservations very publicly. The missonaries were not very well recieved - several Hudian leaders openly called for revolt. The Sufi saint Nasreddin Ali Faqir began a hunger strike with his disciples until the missionaries were expelled from the region. Riots had broken out in several cities as well, namely Husseinabad, Fatemabagh and Sufiyapara. It had erupted into a full scale revolt by the end of the year after the Masjid al-Kabir Massacre, which resulted in the death of Nasreddin and a few of his followers as well. Defected Hudian sepoys, zemindars and a majority of the population had openly dissented against the Administration. Several missionaries were killed, particularly the ones in the countryside who had not been under Acronian protection. The revolts had gone on for approximately two years, although they were ultimately quelled by the forces of privateers.

XXX and several officials had been troubled by the happenings of the region, and decided to strive forward to ensure such would not occur again. The Administration filed a plea to the Crown to stop the program of missionaries, and worked to create favorable living conditions in the region which would help retain peace for the next century to come. The stability of the region was once again affected in 1782, by the Great Fatemabagh Cyclone of 1782, which had resulted in the deaths of around 260,000 people and caused extensive property damage. Several ships full of vital imports were damaged beyond repair by the cyclone, but the worst effect would be the damage to surrounding farmland, leading to the 1782 Hudian Famine. The cyclone, along with floods and tidal waves, had completely decimated the agrarian economy in the region. Over a million had died over starvation, although several historians claim the number to be over 3 million.

It would not be until the beginning of the 20th century, after increased Acronian aid and several development policies, that the Far East Acronian Administration could claim to have restored the prosperity of the region. This prosperity and relative peace, however, was short-lived, after Acronia entered the First Great War. The Administration followed suit, and the Far East Acronian Army began its campaign in the Southern Front. ACRO BABE YOU START HERE.

The Great War had had a profound effect on the colonies of Acronia. The Far East Acronian Army led by Nurul Huda, had been victorious in the war, and were lauded by Acronian military officials. However, the army had also faced significant losses, and the region was rumbling with discontent over negligence during the war. Famous writers such as Rumana Adil, Vikram Das as well as Zafirul Haque had started to call for the independence of colonies under the Far East Administration in South Auchoi. Nurul Huda strongly affiliated with the South Auchoian independence movement. He wrote the Crimson Book during his time in the war, which detailed his own ideals regarding South Auchoi, and the establishment of a concrete Hudian identity. Countless individuals followed the Crimson Book, which is often considered the most sizeable treatise on the concept of a Hudian nation.

With the end of the war, there was a wave of anti-colonial sentiment in Acronia. King Alexander III, impressed by the valor of the Far East Acronian Administration's army, held the highly secretive XXX Meeting of XXX to explore the possibility of emancipating several Acronian colonies. The meeting regarding South Auchoi wore on for several days, during which officials discussed the procedure for the region to transition into independence. XXX XXX, an XXX official, suggested the XXX Plan, in which the Administration would follow the borders that had been maintained in the region prior to the establishment of the Bahariyan Empire. This plan had taken several days of discussion, as historical maps, treaties and discussions had to be picked up from both the Administration and from within Acronia. In practice, the borders were loosely followed, with significant adjustments being made in regards to both religious and ethnic demographics in the region. In the end, the following states had been established: Huda, Riala, as well as Yetpa. King Alexander III declared the passage of the XXX Plan around late 1916 in Husseinabad, during a tour of Acronian colonies. The emancipation was well received in all of the newly independent states. The Administration served as a transitional government till 1918, assisting in the establishment of post-independence borders. It also aided states in implementing their governments. Republics were established in both Riala and Huda, although neighboring Yetpa retained its monarchy due to the existence of its royal family, who had kept their titles even after colonization.

First Hudian Republic
A federal parliamentary republic was established in Huda - the country was divided into several divisions, with Husseinabad as the capital division. The 1918 Hudian general elections were contested by the Lotus League, led by Nurul Huda, and the National Prosperity Front, led by Khandaker Aziz Islam. The Lotus League won the elections, taking 245 seats out of 300 in the Jatirghar. The parliamentary body appointed Fakruddin Gazi of the Lotus League as the first President. With his party holding the majority in parliament, Nurul Huda thus became the first democratically elected Prime Minister of the country. President Gazi declared the establishment of the Hudian Republic on the 15th of September, 1918, during the inaugural meeting of the Jatirghar.

The Constitution of Huda was proposed to parliament on the 22nd of September 1918, shortly after its inaugural meeting. Several amendments were carried out, particularly regarding checks and balances between the legislative, executive and judicial powers in government. The document was formally ratified and adopted on the 17th of November. It was fully put into effect from the 1st of January, 1919. The fundamental principles of the Hudian Republic were declared to be democracy, justice, nationalism and egalitarianism.

Prime Minister Huda carried out several reforms of economic nationalization and political liberalization. In its first term, the Huda administration made use of extensive expansionary fiscal policies as well as supply side policies to increase the capacity of the postcolonial economy. Key industries - namely energy, water, healthcare as well as several others - were nationalized by the government. The Hudian Army and Navy, equipped with generals and admirals experienced from the Great War, went through several overhauls, with the intention of increasing the hard power possessed by the country. The government had also established the Hudian Air Force shortly after its existence, having been donated X X PLANE NAME by X NATION. The Hudian government maintained friendly ties with both neighbouring Yetpa and Riala, and talks for a Tripartite South Auchoi Pact were underway.

The talks, led and strongly supported by Foreign Minister Abdul Khaled, had begun in 1921. They were held in XXX, the capital of Riala. All three states committed to the pact on February 14. However, the discussions were temporarily interrupted by the Ziadi Emergency. Riots in favor of the Ziadi independence movement had erupted all over Riala after the reported forced disappearance of opposition leader Mubarak Ahmedzai, a member of the Ziadi National Party. Abdul Khaled, hoping to prevent the closure of these talks, telegrammed the Hudian government with a request to move the talks to Husseinabad. However, with news reports stating gross human rights violations by Rialan police forces against the protests, the government refused and ordered the immediate withdrawal of the Hudian Republic from these talks. A frustrated Foreign Minister Khaled barged out of the talks, calling it "a missed opportunity for multilateralism". Consequently, he resigned a few days after his arrival, along with a few other members of the Jatirghar who left the Lotus League, frustrated by the executive action taken by the Prime Minister.

Prime Minister Huda appointed Motiur Chowdhury to replace Khaled. Motiur Chowdhury, in comparison to his predecessor, disapproved of Rialan actions towards the Ziadi movement. His ministry initially proposed to mediate talks between the Rialan administration and the Ziadi protestors, but the refusal of the former to participate led to a deterioration between the relations of both countries. The Ziadi situation had devolved further, to a full fledged civil conflict in the Ziadi-majority areas of Riala. Prime Minister Huda and his cabinet resolved to intervene in the conflict, declaring so during his National Address on the eve of 15th of September - Establishment Day. Within the following week, Hudian Armed Forces proceeded to invade Riala. Despite heavily outnumbering its opponents, the Rialan Army, demoralized and fighting in two fronts, lost several key battles against the Hudians and found itself unable to quell the guerilla fighters in Ziadistan. Fighting wore on until early May 1922, by which time Hudian forces had entirely occupied modern-day Ziadistan. The Marwand Surrender was signed on the 8th of May by XXX, XXX and XXX, resulting in the establishment of the Republic of Ziadistan. It would also decisively lead to the rise of Huda as a regional power over Riala.

The Rialan government, humiliated by their loss in Ziadistan and human rights abuse, faced a vote of no-confidence in parliament and was subsequently ousted. The successor government was led by Rahul. Vijay. Shrivastava, who would work well with both the Ziadistani and Hudian government to re-establish favorable relations and pursue a program of national reparation to combat post-war effects. The Hudian government faired no better - Nurul Huda was not elected for a second term in the 1923 Hudian general elections, which was won by Khandaker Aziz Islam and the NPF with 189 seats. The Islam government pursued economic liberalization policies to further bolster economic growth, although it also cut down on a few nationalized industries in order to spend conservatively. This move was wildly unpopular with the opposition, and gradually with the public once the aftershocks were felt in the economy. However, economic growth did rise during the NPF's tenure. Its biggest success, however, would be the South Auchoian Regional Council, established in order to prevent any conflict between nations again, as well as to encourage regional harmony and peace. The NPF won again during the 1928 Hudian general elections, becoming the first party to win two elections in the country back-to-back. Its second tenure, however, was not as successful as the first, as it made more aggressive cuts to the government budget. Rumors of corruption began to rise, and were much discussed in the opposition benches.

Nurul Huda led an aggressive election campaign during the 1933 Hudian general elections. The public's opinion towards the Ziadi intervention had now significantly improved, and consequently, the Lotus League was re-elected to power. Although several NPF cutbacks were reversed, the Lotus League decided to largley maintain its predecessor's liberal policies. Economic growth in Huda outpaced that of its regional neighbours, and although its army was not among the largest in the region, it was the most well-equipped. The Lotus League won re-election in the 1938 Hudian general elections. With the advent of the second Great War, Prime Minister Huda rallied the Jatirghar into supporting the nation's entry into the war. The Warfare Administration Act was passed unanimously on XX, XX, XX. Not only did it establish a Private War Council, but it also fundamentally guaranteed the government its mandate until the end of any conflict. It faced some protest from the opposition, who feared that the government was attempting to seize power during this time. Consequently, several checks and balances were introduced to satisfy the opposition. ADD Hudian involvement in the GW2.

Following its victory in the second Great War, Prime Minister Huda won the 1948 Hudian general elections alongside the Lotus League. The administration made dramatic efforts to restore the Hudian economy in order to mitigate post-war effects and was largely successful. By this time, the economy had largely moved to the tertiary and secondary sectors, and the nation continued its trend of dramatic economic development. There were growing concerns, by both officials in the Lotus League and opposition benches, of the establishment of a cult personality around Nurul Huda and his extensive power in the Jatirghar. This was also feared by the Prime Minister, and so the constitution saw several amendments during this fifth term, which imposed a maximum term limit of four for Prime Ministers - but not ruling parties. Prime Minister Huda voted for the agreement itself, and thus, did not run for the 1953 Hudian general elections. He was replaced by Muqtadir Hasan Rajan as leader of the Lotus League. To this day, Prime Minister Nurul Huda would remain the country's longest-serving Prime Minister.

The Lotus League would win again in 1953. Rajan, who was mentored and handpicked by Nurul Huda, had largely led the government upholding the policies of his predecessor. It would come under heavy scrutiny, however, after its failure to respond adequately to the 1954 Faarah Earthquake, during which a 7.2 magnitude earthquake would hit Faarah Island. The quakes were felt as far away as Kharajan, and would cause extensive property damages and deaths in what was the nation's poorest province. The situation was further exacerbated by a slew of corruption scandals in several divisions. The worst of all, however, would be the Husseinabad Affair. XXX husseinabad affair with XXX company.

The opposition benches had started to call for a vote of no-confidence for Rajan, which had started to enjoy support from members of his own party. Despite facing immense pressure from party leaders to resing, Rajan attempted to stay in power, but ultimately was voted out during early 1957. The remainder of his term was carried out by Hamid Khandaker. Shamsul Huda, the son of Nurul Huda, mulled joining the Lotus League for the 1958 Hudian general elections. Although he did win his constituency, he was not permitted to lead the party by several Lotus League leaders, who did not desire to see the establishment of a political dynasty. The National Prosperity Front won a landslide election, winning 292 seats of 300 - the largest victory margin of any party in Hudian history. It was a very public embarassment for the Lotus League. The Lotus League would see several defections and breaks, which would weaken it immensely and lead it to being practically invisible during this time.

Recovering from the mistakes of the Rajan term, the National Prosperity Front had to cope with the beginning of the Red Autumn. Following the Yetpan Communist Revolution in 1959 and the fall of its monarchy, the National Prosperity Front faced a question of whether to intervene or not. King Binyapati X and his family had fled into the Hudian Republic, where they were offered asylum. He made an impassioned plea during the 1959 meeting of the South Auchoian Regional Council for intervention, but the council chose not to intervene in fear of confrontation with the Stasnovian and Gorbatovic governments, who had thrown their weight behind the Yetpan communist military junta. Nonetheless, the communist movement had gained much traction among Hudians, particularly a frustrated youth who had to work in a sluggish economy. Several young servicemen had also become much attracted to the communist ideals in what had been a very hierarchical and corrupt armed forces. The Vastava Pact had also grown particularly powerful and popular worldwide during this time, further propagating communism in the Hudian Republic and the rest of South Auchoi. The Communist Party of Huda saw an extensive rise in its membership during this time, and began to organize several rallies and marches across Huda, campaigning for the establishment of a. With growing communist support in the region, King Binyapati X and his family would decide to ultimately flee to XXX. Nurul Huda would die in 1960, aged 74.

Stasnovan and Gorbatovic elements in the nation would collaborate with conspirators in the military to execute the 1961 Red Mutiny. The mutiny resulted in the arrests of several members of the Jatirghar, particularly Prime Minister Jahangir Azad, as well as the deaths of several generals in the Hudian Armed Forces who had been directly combatting it. Nonetheless, it did enjoy support from several in the populace, as well as from member-states in the Vastava Pact. Khaled Rahman, a charismatic commander who had led the mutiny, declared the establishment of the Hudian Socialist Republic on 10 October, 1961.

Hudian Socialist Republic
The Hudian Socialist Republic was not well recieved globally, and its violent accession drew criticism from states such as XXXX and XXXX, who had been key partners of previous Hudian governments. However, it would be accepted into the Vastava Pact alongside Yetpa on the XXX, XXX, XXX. Ultimately, the Red Autumn had a significant effect on the geopolitical situation of South Auchoi. The South Auchoian Regional Council was suspended after both Yetpa and Huda maintained socialist rule. The Hudian Socialist Republic, in particular, drove forward several changes in other states. The rise of the Hudian Socialist Republic gave rise to an insurgency in neighbouring Riala. Although aided extensively by the regime, the insurgents would fail to make any significant strides against the government. It would continue to persist until the early 2000s. Po Nagar would see a Hudian-aided communist coup around 1963. However, he most drastic action by the Hudian government would be the 1965 Invasion of Ziadistan. It drew international condemnation from most states and resulted in the imposition of several sanctions on the Republic and members of its regime.

Despite its success in projecting a communist influence in South Auchoi - with the entirety of the region a part of the Vastava Pact by 1965 - the Hudian Socialist Republic had become immensely unpopular at home. It had poorly governed the economy, and inefficiences had resulted in a fall in the country's gross domestic product for the first time in 1966. This fact, however, was hidden away from the populace, with the Socialist Republic curbing press freedoms and making several inroads in controlling most information circulating in the nation. Additionally, it faced increasing pressure due to sanctions imposed by several states, which had further crippled the economy.

The inefficiences persisted further in economic redistribution, which had gradually been stifled by corrupt officials of the Communist Party of Huda, who had virtually taken up the entirety of the political sphere at the time. There was a high level of economic emigration at the time, consequently, with several Hudians pursuing careers in other states. The emigration had become so dire, that a point, the Khaled regime temporarily banned movement outside Huda. The Association for Hudian Democracy would be formed in 1967, and subsequently be banned by the regime immediately. The association consisted of several student and ex-Jatirghar parties, led by Shamsul Huda, who had evaded arrest in 1961. Despite being banned, the AHD would hold several covert meetings, with the intention of toppling the Hudian Socialist Republic, who recieved continual Stasnovan and Gorbatovic aid.

In order to limit public dissent, the Khaled regime passed the Discipline Ordinance which was intended to give the state more power to arrest protestors and shut down free press institutes. This was met with widespread disagreement throughout Huda, with protests commencing as early as January 1968. There have been reports of widespread human rights abuse as well as live firing on protestors, which only served to intensify the protests which had begun to spread across the country. Armed forces and policemen also gradually refused to serve the Hudian Socialist Republic as the movement grew larger and larger. The Storming of Husseinabad Central Jail in May 8 freed several members of the Jatirghar, including Jahangir Khan. In the chaos of the storming, Shamsul Huda declared the restoration of the Hudian Republic. Throughout the next few weeks, Hudian protestors would seize control of key parts of the country. On May 30, protestors would surround the Jatirghar, where the remnants of the Khaled regime would surrender, including Khaled Rahman himself. He would subsequently be arrested and sentenced to lifetime imprisonment.

Current era
In the 1968 Hudian general elections, Jahangir Khan and the National Prosperity Front would win its mandate for another five years, although Shamsul Huda and the Lotus League would manage to retain approximately 111 seats. The 1968 Hudian general elections would also introduce several other parties, such as the Justice Party (5 seats) and the Pragmatist Dal (16 seats). A few independent members of parliament would also win seats during this time. Khan and the National Prosperity Front would lead on the country, restoring it from the socialist era by liberalizing the market, with the support of the Lotus League. The country would also cooperate with Riala in order to end its Senite insurgency, mobilizing troops around the Caterpillar Corridor, which had long been a den for smuggling between Ziadistan, Huda and Riala.

The socialist republic in Ziadistan would also fall immediately after the re-establishment of the Hudian Republic, although the military juntas in place in Yetpa and Po Nagar would remain. The South Auchoian Regional Council was re-established after the Husseinabad Summit of 1970, with the inclusion of all South Auchoian states regardless of ideology. The council faced several overhauls during this time, turning into a much more complex and extensive organization than before; previously, it had simply been a platform for dialogue between South Auchoian states. It would see an increased importance as it worked to maintain ties between the communist states in the region and its other members, who remained significantly opposed to communist ideals.

Shamsul Huda would step down as the chairman of the Lotus League for the 1973 Hudian general elections. Nonetheless, the Lotus League won a narrow majority of 155 seats, led by Iqbal Khan. He would go on to establish Academy, which would revolutionize the Hudian educational sector, as well as the Hudian Developmental Organization. The Khan administration would continue to bolster economic growth, and grant essential state provisions for individuals who had been poorly affected by the ex-regime's governance. Huda would experience revolutionary economic growth under the Khan administration, and development projects all across the nation would significantly improve living standards. The state increased provisions for education, healthcare, energy, and other key services. The most sizeable geopolitical change, however, would be Huda's entry into the ABCDE?? in 1977, which would result in the region being divided into several blocs. In response to Huda's entry into the ABCDE, Ziadistan would join the NAP?, while Riala would join the KP??. Although the move into the ABCDE would be much lauded, critics say that it also increased apprehension in the region.

There would be a quiet period in South Auchoi of development and economic growth. The Hudian tertiary sector grew significantly during this time. Industries such as education, healthcare, as well as tourism, had grown immensely popular. In the meanwhile, the Ziadistani and Rialan economy grew exponentially though export-based sales of consumer goods and apparel. Competition between both states had grown intense in this regard, as South Auchoi was dubbed as the 'capital of production in the early 90s. Yetpa and Po Nagar enjoyed flourishing ties, despite the XXX Vastava Pact, and both states largely focused on consolidating internal security. Despite extensive economic growth and development, the political situation remained tense in the region, but it would not be until the 2000s that the situation would escalate further. Huda would see a modernization of its military during this period, as well as a significant change in its economy, education and healthcare sectors.

Politically speaking, the Lotus League would win its mandate again in 1978, although this time they were led by Mozammel Haque Tushar. The National Prosperity Front, however, would take back the Jatirghar in 1983, following which both parties exchanged power till the 1998 Hudian general elections, during which time the National Prosperity Front's Fakhrul Gazi would be appointed Prime Minister. The great grandson of the first president, Fakhrul Gazi would dominate the political sphere for a majority of his term, enjoying the effects of policies implemented by predecessor administrations. He would be re-elected again in 2003, as well as 2008. It would be in his second and third term that he would encounter some of his most significant challenges.

The Ziadistani Civil War would erupt in 2005, after Prime Minister Akhlaq Muhammad refused to step down amid popular demonstrations, despite not possessing a majority in parliament. Although supported by the military, opposition parties and the wider public refused to permit his incumbency, resulting in a full fledged civil war. This caused a significant inflow of Ziadi refugees in both Riala and Huda. Although the Hudian government did administer aid through the Caterpillar Corridor and accept refugees, it refused to intervene in the conflict. Riala also accepted several refugees, although this would significantly increase communal tensions. Dhananjay Singh, a populist leader and member of the Rialan Shakti Dal would come to power in 2007, following the resignation of Arunav Khanna after the infamous Chandrapur case, which involved the rape of a Rialan girl in the border town of Chandrapur by, reportedly, a Ziadi refugee. It would sway public sentiment against Ziadis in the country, and would lead to several riots and beatings. Dhananjay Singh called for the deportation of Ziadi refugees from the country, following which several ultimately ended up in the Hudian Republic.

The Congress of Nations would establish the Ziadistan Committee, headed by a young diplomat, Zaheer Abbas. Abbas and the committee would manage to broker a peace in Ziadistan, resulting in Akhlaq's deposition, although he was permitted to run in the subsequent elections, which he ultimately lost. Abbas' success made him particularly successful in Huda - and his popularity further ballooned when it was realized that he was in fact the grandson of Shamsul Huda. Although the success at Ziadistan improved the geopolitical situation, the Singh administration still remained hostile towards Ziadistan and Huda. It began to claim both the Caterpillar Corridor as well as the Farakkha Island as a part of its sovereignty, despite the fact that both territories had been under control of Huda since its establishment. The administration cited the borders of the Rialan Raj as legal evidence, but little has been done to pursue this, save for the Farakkha Incident as well as the Caterpillar Standoff. As Ziadistan entered yet another period of rebuilding following a devastating war, it was evident that the South Auchoian situation had only deteriorated during the Gazi administration.

The Yetpa and Po Nagar pact had remained strong, and both states maintained a strong communist influence. Yetpa would begin its Secular Revolution in 2011, which would lead to unprecedented human rights abuse within the country, as well as reported {{wpl|genocide}], as well as  by members of the communist party. The Singh administration would continue to maintain a very hostile stance with Huda, particularly over both the Farakkha and Caterpillar issues. There would also be several reports of violence against Muslims in Riala, particularly the remainder of the Ziadi refugees. In Ziadistan, an increasingly dominating military would limit political freedoms in the country, leading to the rise of an Islamist insurgency in 2012. Hudian inaction throughout was largely seized upon by critics. Despite criticism, Gazi would attempt to run for a fourth term in the 2013 Hudian general elections.

The Lotus League saw an immense change in party leadership. Zaheer Abbas would join and lead the party in 2010, changing the party extensively for the 2013 general elections. Abbas would lead the League to victory, seizing 279 seats and winning a sizeable amoutn of the popular vote. The Abbas administration oversaw several changes - particularly, the adoption of the International Academic Diploma into the Hudian curriculum, the re-modernization of the Hudian Armed Forces, as well as a more responsive foreign policy.

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